The Contract Buyers League was a grassroots organization of Black homeowners in Chicago who pushed back on the practice of contract home sales. These housing contracts—which often represented the only gateway to homeownership for low-income minorities in the 1960s and ’70s—were typically sold by investment companies at prices significantly higher than White residents paid for similar properties.
The organizing efforts of these residents on Chicago’s West and South Sides drew national attention to unfair real estate practices and helped bring about key federal housing reforms that largely ended the practice of redlining in urban areas.
Key Takeaways
- The Contract Buyers League was a group of mostly Black residents of Chicago’s West and South Sides who fought discriminatory housing practices.
- Because the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) wouldn’t provide mortgage insurance in many minority-dominated urban neighborhoods in the post–World War II period, the only way for many Blacks to purchase a home was through a housing contract.
- A typical housing contract not only cost Black families significantly more than Whites paid for similar homes, but it also kept them from acquiring any equity in their home until their last payment was made.
How the Contract Buyers League Began
Throughout the 1950s and ’60s, Northern cities like Chicago saw an influx of Black migrants from Southern states, representing a second phase of the Great Migration. At the time, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) wouldn’t provide mortgage insurance in urban neighborhoods with a sizable minority population. This resulted in a practice known as redlining, in which banks refused to make home loans to Black applicants in those areas.
The only path to homeownership for many minorities was to enter into a housing contract, typically with an investment company that owned the underlying mortgage. Many of these contracts were sold at vastly inflated prices, creating crippling monthly payments that working-class residents struggled to meet.
The agreements specified that occupants had no claim on the home and accumulated no equity in it until they made their final payment. If they missed even a single installment, they could be subject to eviction.
The extent of this discriminatory practice was discovered with the help of John MacNamara, a Jesuit seminarian who, in the 1960s, worked as a community organizer in the North Lawndale neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side. Through his interactions with local residents, MacNamara began to realize that some of them had entered into housing contracts with conspicuously high monthly payments.
An exhaustive title search for properties in the neighborhood confirmed what MacNamara had already suspected: Contract buyers, most of them Black, were paying an average of $20,000 more (roughly $210,000 in 2024 dollars) than their White counterparts for similarly sized homes.
MacNamara began setting up meetings with Lawndale residents, which evolved into an organization called the Contract Buyers League. Within a few months, the group’s weekly events were drawing 400 to 500 people. The size and influence of the group grew further when it was joined by contract buyers from Chicago’s South Side.
How the League Fought for Fair Treatment
Initially, the Contract Buyers League tried to put pressure on the companies that sold these real estate contracts—including F&F Investment Co., Ames, Sureway, and Best—by picketing outside their offices. They even traveled to the investors’ homes in the Chicago suburbs, hoping the negative publicity would force them to renegotiate with more equitable terms.
Ultimately, picketing failed to generate the impact the league’s members had hoped for. So instead, they decided to band together and go on a “payment strike,” knowing that would create financial pain for the investors. Starting in 1968, roughly 595 families joined, putting their monthly payment in escrow rather than sending it to the contract companies.
In response, the investors eventually moved to evict many of the minority residents from their homes. The process of removing residents often created an ugly scene, with groups of neighbors attempting to block police access to the affected families. Efforts to appeal the evictions drew support from an array of groups, including the local Jesuit community, which raised money for legal fees, and the Jewish Council for Urban Affairs.
Legal Efforts of the Contract Buyers League
While the payment strikes were still taking place, the Contract Buyers League also attempted to persuade federal courts to punish the investment firms. Class-action lawsuits seeking recompense for the punitive contracts were filed by both South Side and West Side residents, with the courts hearing cases in 1975 and 1979, respectively.
The league would lose both lawsuits, although the mortgage holders ended up settling with some of the residents in the process. According to the Loyola University of Chicago’s Center for Urban Research and Learning, the league was able renegotiate 450 contracts, with the average family saving $13,500.
The league won on other fronts as well. It brought lawsuits in Illinois courts that reversed the state’s eviction laws, allowing the subjects of an eviction to use their unreasonable housing contracts as part of their legal defense.
$500+ million
The estimated amount that housing contracts cost Chicago’s minority residents, unadjusted for inflation, from 1940 to 1970.
Long-Term Impact of the Contract Buyers League
In the decades since the formation of the Contract Buyers League, the devastating effects of redlining have been more clearly delineated. MacNamara, who served as a visiting scholar at Loyola University Chicago prior to his death in 2020, estimated that the often-usurious contracts cost Chicago’s minority residents more than $500 million—not adjusted for inflation—from 1940 to 1970.
The efforts of the league in the late 1960s and the 1970s are widely seen as playing a key role in ending those practices. Its legal challenges not only led to Illinois amending its eviction laws but also changed urban housing policies across the country.
The financial data that the league was able to collect in the process of filing state and federal lawsuits would eventually help garner support for the 1975 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) and the 1977 Community Reinvestment Act (CRA). While many argue that discriminatory housing practices persist, those twin pieces of legislation served as the beginning of the end for one of the most pernicious policies: the redlining of minority neighborhoods.
The group’s work also proved effective in bringing wider awareness to predatory inner-city housing practices. It managed to draw support from people of different racial backgrounds and faiths. Volunteers from the wealthier northern Chicago suburbs, for example, became regular attendees at the group’s meetings and even helped to staff its office.
What Was the Contract Buyers League?
The Contract Buyers League was a grassroots organization composed of Black homeowners in Chicago in the 1960s and 1970s who resisted contract home sales. These contracts forced Black residents to pay far higher home prices than their White counterparts.
What Role Did the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) Play in the Perpetuation of Contract Home Sales?
The refusal by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) to insure loans in Black neighborhoods meant that often the only way a Black family could purchase a home was through a housing contract. The FHA’s practice, which continued from 1934 to 1968, was referred to as redlining.
Who Was John R. “Jack” MacNamara?
John R. “Jack” MacNamara, then a Jesuit seminarian, began working in 1967 in Chicago’s North Lawndale neighborhood on the project that became known as the Contract Buyers League. The league fought the practice of selling overpriced housing to minorities, often resulting in evictions for nonpayment, followed by the resale of the same homes to other victims.
The Bottom Line
In its fight against unfair housing practices in the 1960s and ’70s, the Contract Buyers League left a lasting legacy that’s now reflected in federal antidiscrimination laws.